When Venezuela’s opposition leader María Corina Machado walked into the White House on Thursday, she came bearing the gift US President Donald Trump has long coveted: a Nobel Peace Prize.
Machado, a fierce critic of Venezuela’s former strongman Nicolás Maduro, won the award last year for her campaign for greater democracy. Now she was leaving the medal in the White House, hoping the gesture might buy her something far more valuable: US backing in the fight to lead Venezuela’s post-Maduro future.
But, if she thought the gift might nudge the president toward providing a clearer endorsement, it appears she may be left waiting, at least for now.
She was later photographed holding a Trump-branded swag bag as she left the White House – with little clarity on her political future.
Machado is one of two figures vying for the leadership of a post-Maduro Venezuela. Trump has placed Maduro’s ex-Vice President Delcy Rodriguez as acting president, even though she was a longtime regime insider.
A photo released by the White House shows Trump beside Machado, holding a large gold-framed plaque that appeared wall-ready, containing the medal and the dedication: “Presented as a personal symbol of gratitude on behalf of the Venezuelan people in recognition of President Trump’s principled and decisive action to secure a free Venezuela.”
“Maria presented me with her Nobel Peace Prize for the work I have done. Such a wonderful gesture of mutual respect,” Trump posted on Truth Social.
The Oslo-based Nobel Peace Center promptly reiterated that the medals cannot be shared or transferred.
“A medal can change owners, but the title of a Nobel Peace Prize laureate cannot,” the committee said on X.
Machado, meanwhile, gave an optimistic view of her meeting, calling it “historic” and “extraordinary.”
She added the Trump administration understood the need to rebuild institutions and protect human rights and free speech, and for a “new, genuine electoral process” to encourage Venezuelans to return to their country.
She also insisted Venezuela already has a president-elect: Edmundo González, the opposition candidate the US previously recognized after the country’s disputed 2024 election.
Government-appointed electoral authorities had named Maduro the winner, allowing him to cling to power until his abrupt capture by US special forces. But at the time, opposition leaders, as well as the US and international watchdogs, voiced concern about allegations of foul play.
But despite Washington’s earlier support for Machado and González, Trump did not rally behind the opposition after Maduro’s capture. Instead, he threw his support behind Rodriguez – a move that stunned many anti-Maduro figures.
Despite Machado’s upbeat tone, it remains unclear what, if anything, she secured beyond a photo-op and an official gift bag embossed with Trump’s signature.
The Trump administration has indicated several times that it views Rodriguez as a stable, pragmatic choice that the US can work with.
And on Thursday as their meeting kicked off, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said Trump’s assessment of Machado had not budged.
“I know the president was looking forward to this meeting, and he was expecting it to be a good and positive discussion with Ms. Machado, who is really a remarkable and brave voice for many of the people of Venezuela,” Leavitt said.
But she added Trump stands by his previous assertion that Machado lacks the necessary support to lead Venezuela. “At this moment in time, his opinion on that matter has not changed,” she said.
CNN poll finds majority of Americans say Trump is focused on the wrong priorities
Public opinion on nearly every aspect of President Donald Trump’s first year back in the White House is negative, a new CNN poll conducted by SSRS finds, with a majority of Americans saying Trump is focused on the wrong priorities and doing too little to address cost of living.
A majority, 58%, calls the first year of Trump’s term a failure.
There’s hardly any good news in the poll for Trump or the Republican Party entering a critical midterm year, with the president’s handling of the economy looming as the defining issue in key House and Senate races.
Asked to choose the country’s top issue, Americans pick the economy by a nearly two-to-one margin over any other topic. The poll suggests Trump is struggling to prove that he’s addressing it. And it finds broad concerns over Trump’s use of presidential power and his efforts to put his stamp on American culture.
Views of economic conditions have remained stable — and largely negative — for the past two years, with about 3 in 10 rating the economy positively. What’s changed in the latest poll is the increased pessimism about the future: Just over 4 in 10 expect the economy to be good a year from now, down from 56% just before Trump was sworn in last January.
A 55% majority say that Trump’s policies have worsened economic conditions in the country, with just 32% saying they’ve made an improvement. Most, 64%, say he hasn’t gone far enough in trying to reduce the price of everyday goods. Even within the GOP, about half say that he should be doing more, including 42% among Republicans and Republican-leaners who describe themselves as members of the “Make America Great Again” movement.
Much of the public doubts that Trump is prioritizing their interests. Just 36% now say he has had the right priorities, down from 45% near the beginning of his term. Only one-third of Americans now say they believe that Trump cares about people like them, down from 40% last March and the worst rating of his political career.
Only 37% say that Trump puts the good of the country above his personal gain, and 32% say that he’s in touch with the problems ordinary Americans face in their daily lives. That includes more than one-quarter of those who approve of Trump’s presidency overall but don’t feel he’s in touch with their problems.
“Even if he is doing some good in areas, he comes across very self-seeking and (shows a) lack of caring about the common good of our citizens,” wrote one person, an independent from Oklahoma, who responded to the poll.
Fewer than half say that Trump has the stamina and sharpness to serve effectively, and just 35% call him someone they’re proud to have as president.
Trump retains his base but has little support beyond it
Trump’s overall job approval rating now stands at 39%, with public opinion on nearly every aspect of his presidency stagnating in the negative. His ratings, which held around 48% last February, declined within the first 100 days of his second term, and have since remained in the low 40s or high 30s.
In some ways, Trump now faces a political situation not dissimilar from his predecessor, former President Joe Biden, who also struggled to convince Americans he was tackling economic concerns.
In contrast to Biden, who garnered more tepidly positive ratings even among many Democrats, Trump retains robust support within his own base. Nearly 9 in 10 Republicans approve of Trump’s performance, and roughly half strongly approve. Among self-described members of the MAGA movement, which includes roughly 40% of GOP aligned-adults, support for Trump is nearly universal.
“He’s not perfect but he’s actually getting results in what he’s doing,” wrote a Republican from Tennessee who responded to the poll.
But Trump’s approval rating among independents now stands at just 29% and he holds virtually no support among Democrats. Only 30% of Latinos and adults younger than 35 now approve, down from 41% among both typically more Democratic groups near the start of his term.
During his first term, Trump’s approval rating on the economy regularly exceeded his overall performance ratings. At the start of his second term, his numbers on immigration stood out as a positive and it remains a key driver for those who support him. Immigration is the most cited issue when Americans who approve of his handling of the presidency are asked to explain why.
But among the broader public, approval ratings suggest henow lacks a similar signature issue.On every issue tested in the poll – an array that included the economy, immigration, foreign policy, management of the federal government and health care – his rating was within a 3-point range of his overall 39% rating.
Few see Trump as making progress on some inaugural pledges
Question: “Here are a few things President Trump pledged to do during his inaugural address last year. For each one, please say whether you think he has made progress, made things worse or not had much effect on it.”
Most say Trump’s use of power has gone too far
While Americans call the economy their foremost concern, American democracy ranks as a clear second – and among Democrats, it’s a top issue. It also stands at the top of the list of reasons why Americans disapprove of the president’s performance. About a quarter of those who disapprove of Trump say they do so because of his misuse of presidential power or treatment of American democracy.
A 58% majority of the public says that Trump has gone too far in using the power of the presidency and executive branch, up from 52% near the start of his term last year. Most also say he’s gone too far in trying to change cultural institutions like the Smithsonian and the Kennedy Center (62%) and cutting federal programs (57%), with about half saying he’s gone too far in changing the way that the US government works.
Most say Trump has gone too far in using presidential powers, hasn’t gone far enough in reducing prices
At the same time, the share who expect Trump’s presidency to fundamentally change America has declined from 52% last April to 41% now. While most still believe that his second term will significantly change the country, increased numbers now say they’re expecting the changes he makes to eventually fade.
Trump using Insurrection Act in Minneapolis would be a huge risk – even by his standards
President Donald Trump has been threatening to invoke the Insurrection Act for a very long time. Dating back to his first term, he has repeatedly floated the rarely used law, which gives a president extraordinary powers to dispatch the military to put down domestic unrest.
And now he’s doing it again, this time in Minneapolis amid increasingly heated anti-ICE protests.
It has often appeared as if Trump really just wants to deploy the military on US soil. He’s already done it in extraordinary ways without the Insurrection Act, by sending the National Guard to blue cities. But the Supreme Court late last month delivered a major blow to that effort.
That left the Insurrection Act as a potentially more legally viable fallback. And, lo and behold, less than a month after the Supreme Court ruling, Trump has blitzed Minneapolis with thousands of ICE agents. We’ve seen shootings and one killing by those agents amid heated protests. (The administration contends they were acting in self-defense, with the latest firing after he was assaulted). And now, the president has again threatened to invoke the Insurrection Act and send in the troops.
There is a problem with the Insurrection Act, though, and it’s apparently the same one that has prevented Trump from using it before: It’s drastic. CNN’s Alayna Treene reports White House officials have been concerned about the politics of this idea. It’s the kind of thing you want to be very sure people are ready for and feel is legitimate.
It seems unlikely Americans feel that way now.
Indeed, if anything, they seem to think the unrest in Minneapolis is the government’s fault in the first place.
The big example is, of course, the killing of Renee Nicole Good by an ICE agent last week. Despite the administration claiming Good was at-fault and even engaged in “domestic terrorism,” multiple polls have now shown Americans strongly disagree.
They all show people saying that the shooting was not justified or appropriate by between 18 and 30 points. The CNN poll showed registered voters said it was “inappropriate” by a 2-to-1 margin, 56%-26%.
In other words, the episode that’s viewed as triggering a possible government military crackdown is … something the American people blame on the government itself – and by wide margins.
The new data also suggest Americans think the government is already being too heavy-handed more broadly – and that it’s actually creating problems.
The CNN poll, for instance, showed 51% said not only that the shooting was wrong, but that it reflected bigger problems with the way ICE is operating.
It also showed Americans said 51%-31% that ICE’s enforcement actions were making cities “less safe.”
And a new Yahoo-YouGov poll, likewise, showed Americans said 54%-34% that ICE raids had “done more harm than good.”
These numbers are particularly remarkable because Americans overwhelmingly seemed to want the government to deport more people. They have generally agreed with Trump’s goals here. And yet, it’s apparently gone too far for them. Trump has squandered that advantage.
Also complicating the matter for Trump is that this is merely the latest entry in a growing narrative of overreach.
If Trump’s deployments of the National Guard to cities like Chicago, Portland and the District of Columbia last year were trial balloons for the Insurrection Act, they’re trial balloons that didn’t go well. While Americans initially seemed open to the idea of using the guard to improve safety in crime-ridden areas, they eventually came to oppose the effort by double-digits.
Trump’s approval numbers on crime – a longstanding strength for him – have even dropped.
And beyond Trump’s deployments of federal law enforcement and National Guard personnel, Americans tend to think he’s going “too far” in a whole host of areas, including his tariffs and his foreign policy. An AP-NORC poll this week, for example, showed 62% of Americans said that Trump was going too far in using presidential power to achieve his goals.
The situation in Minneapolis is fraught and dynamic. And we’ll have to wait to see what polls say about this specific idea of the Insurrection Act. But none of the indicators point in the direction of an American public that is asking or ready for a historic military crackdown.
If anything, they suggest Trump’s heavy-handedness with the military and ICE on US soil has already worn quite thin – and it could be viewed as fuel on the fire.
If Trump were to make good on his threat to send in the troops via the Insurrection Act, he’d risk looking like he’s inflaming a problem he’s created. And there’s a strong possibility the situation could spiral out of control in ways that could overshadow the rest of Trump’s second-term-project.
To the extent he presses forward, it’ll be one of the biggest political risks he’s taken as president.
Of course, recent history suggests that if Trump wants to do this kind of thing, it’s quite possible he’ll just do it.
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